of Prof Rajiva Wijesinha, MP

Author of Declining Sri Lanka

Former Secretary General of the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process

Former Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights

Given on 23 August 2010

I was not certain as to which aspects of the work of the Commission I should address, so I thought it best to prepare some points in writing, to be expanded on further as the Commission sees fit. It seems that the work of the Commission can be divided into three components as follows –

a) Consideration of what should be done now to promote reconciliation

b) Examination of the Peace Process and what led to negotiations proving  unsuccessful so that  other options had to be followed to achieve Peace

c) Inquiry into incidents during the process which might prove barriers to reconciliation

b) The failure of efforts at a negotiated peace

This area is of importance not only for the Sri Lankan state, so that it can prevent the recurrence of past mistakes, but also for the world since it is vital that international terrorism must be dealt with firmly even while attention is paid to the grievances of those who might be tempted into terror.

The cardinal mistake in the process in Sri Lanka was the confusion of those who had grievances which needed to be addressed with those who had turned to terrorism to redress those grievances and refused to move away from terrorist practices and absolute aims.

Though it is essential to combat terrorism, any state must be sensitive to what might have made people turn to terrorism. Therefore it must be ready and willing to engage in discussions. Remedial action with regard to grievances should however be on the basis of general principles and should benefit all those affected, not just the proponents of terror.

Sri Lanka removed the institutional reasons for grievances in 1987 with the Indo-Lankan Accord. Much practical work however remained to be done to restore a sense of equity. This is not the place to discuss whether inadequacies were due to lethargy on the part of the state or distractions arising from the continuation of terrorism on the part of the LTTE. What is important is that, following the destruction of the LTTE in Sri Lanka, practical work should proceed apace. It should also be noted that this government actually began some practical work that should have occurred long ago, through for instance measures instituted by the Ministry of Constitutional Reform and National Integration to ensure bilingualism amongst new recruits to the public service. The targeted recruiting of Tamil policemen is also an example of the positive approach of this government.

Unfortunately the intransigence of the LTTE, which refused unlike all other former terrorist groups to accept the provisions of the Accord, was encouraged by domestic politics. Whether out of genuine belief that the LTTE had been badly treated, or simply to score brownie points against political opponents, Presidents Premadasa and Kumaratunga and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe gave the impression that peace remained elusive because of the inadequacies of previous governments, and that they would succeed in negotiating peace with the LTTE.

The first two soon recognized their mistakes, but either because of greater naivete or greater ambition (or perhaps the greater skills of the LTTE) Mr Wickremesinghe found himself totally in thrall to the LTTE. Though he consoled himself with the idea that the international community, by which he meant the West, would bail him out if the LTTE went too far, this showed complete ignorance of the way the world works. Indeed, given that he had been part of the government which failed to get British and American assistance against Indian interference, despite its belief that commitment to the West during the Cold War had created a security blanket, his naivete seems culpable.

I need not however dwell here on the follies of the CeaseFire Agreement, or rather on the manner in which Mr Wickremesinghe allowed it to be interpreted. His failure to be firm when there was clear evidence of continuing belligerence, indeed his continuation of lavish subsidies to the LTTE, suggest a man blind to what was happening around him. I should also note, in passing since I believe the principle is well understood, that the terms of the CFA were a betrayal of all Tamils who were opposed to the LTTE. The decimation of all groups opposed to the LTTE that took place over the next few years was appalling, and the failure of the government of 2002-2003 to do anything about this remains a blot on the Sri Lankan state.

More significant to my mind, because less well understood, is the role of the International Community in supporting his myopic approach and thus benefiting the LTTE. I myself do not believe that many of those who ended up giving financial and moral support to terrorism were actually supporters of the LTTE. Rather I believe that the indulgence the LTTE received during the period from 2002 until in fact 2006 sprang from three different mindsets, viz

i) Those who felt sympathy for the Tamils, largely because of what they knew about the manner in which Tamils had been treated by government in the early eighties. What had happened then was bad enough, but its memory was also kept alive by agents of the LTTE, who were able to present the LTTE as innocent victims of state brutality.

Perhaps the most important of those who felt like this was the Norwegian Ambassador at the time the CFA was signed, Jan Westborg. He had been in Sri Lanka with an NGO during the early eighties, and he felt tremendous sympathy for the abused Tamils, a factor that contributed to his promoting colonization of the Vanni by Tamils of Indian origin who had been treated badly three times during President Jayewardene’s first government.

ii) Those who saw themselves as holding the balance between two hostile but equal entities, viz the Tigers and the elected government. The manner in which the CFA was drafted allowed what are termed international aid workers to believe that they had to sit in judgment on conflicting claims. Naturally, since this allowed people with limited skills and capacity an inflated idea of their own importance, they clung to this interpretation.

Some understood in time that such an approach was mistaken, as for instance the OCHA official who told me shortly before leaving that they had misunderstood Sri Lanka when they got here, having thought it was a country like those African ones in which they had cut their teeth, in which the writ of government did not run in vast areas.

Unfortunately the distrust of its own officials on the part of the Wickremesinghe government contributed to the notion of the international community that they controlled decisions as well as finances The most distasteful example occurred when the Head of European Union Aid tried to dragoon through a document on Modes of Operation for Assistance which specified that international agencies would hold the balance between the parties in conflict. When, having taken over as Secretary to the Ministry that coordinated humanitarian aid, I noted that that clause would have to be amended, the response was that it had been already agreed. When I made it clear that this was not a subject for negotiation, the EU lost interest in the Modes of Operation document.

iii) Finally there were those who actively sought positions of self-importance. Chief amongst these was Gareth Evans of the International Crisis Group, who kept offering himself as a mediator and guarantor of the CFA. He was deeply critical of the Norwegians and disappointed to find that I held the Scandinavian Monitoring Mission in high regard.

So too Louise Arbour, as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, wanted an enhanced role, argued for by her chief advisor on Sri Lanka who was again critical of the Scandinavians, and tried to persuade me that one reason for a UN Human Rights office was to take on the monitoring role of the Scandinavians.

The final result of all these approaches however, even if it was not intended, was parity for the LTTE. This was actively promoted by some of Mr Wickremesinghe’s advisers, in particular Mr Bradman Weerakoon, who initiated funding projects for the LTTE that allowed them to build up their image. Both the Head of UNDP and the last Norwegian ambassador, Tore Hattrem, when I asked them about funds given to the LTTE Peace Secretariat, claimed that this was with the full permission of the government, a point I did not contest. My point was that they had not monitored what was done with the money, and that they should upbraid the LTTE for using the equipment and funds provided to glorify suicide bombers. Mr Hattrem, I am happy to say, reported that he had requested the LTTE to remove the offending items, though of course they ignored him.

The general lack of monitoring allowed the LTTE in effect to run riot. I should note that I believe we too were at fault in not following up ourselves on funds that were given to the LTTE with our consent. The worst example I came across, which I constantly urged our Foreign Ministry to investigate, was the $1 million dollars given to the LTTE by UNICEF for rehabilitation of former child combatants.

My attention was drawn to the disastrous nature of the UNICEF relationship with the LTTE by a conversation with the Head of UNICEF until 2007, a lady called Joanna van Gerpen round whom the LTTE clearly ran rings. At her first meeting with me, she said brightly that the LTTE was being very good, and would shortly be releasing all combatants under 17. I pointed out that I thought this was what they had agreed to do five years previously, but she said that they had tried, but would now really fulfil the promise.

I then asked why they were stopping at 17, since I thought those under 18 were also child combatants. Her answer was that they had some difficulties with their legislation, but would amend this shortly. When I pointed out that the word legislation was inappropriate, she realized her mistake and apologized, but I told her that I would complain officially to the UN, as I did in the letter given in the appendix[i]. She sent me an apologetic letter that confirmed the actual UN position, but I believe her approach with the LTTE was symptomatic of the advantage they took of those without an actual understanding of terrorism.

I should note that this mealy-mouthed approach was symptomatic of many UN officials in 2007, since they seemed in general to share the views of the Wickremesinghe government and to assume that there was something wrong with the newly elected government in its determination, having made an attempt to negotiate, to deal firmly with terrorism when the LTTE proved intransigent and withdrew from negotiations and engaged in terrorist activity.

As noted in the letter I cite, I had problems too with OCHA, which seemed to indicate in its weekly reports that all was sweetness and light in Kilinochchi, while tensions continued elsewhere. I complained about this to Sir John Holmes, the Head of OCHA, during his visit in Sri Lanka, and he did at least instruct that there should be balance. While balance between an elected government and terrorists did not seem to me desirable, it was even worse that previously even such balance had not been there. Sure enough, for the first time the following week, it was reported that tensions continued in Kilinochchi, a place that had been singularly free of such tensions in UN reports previously.

Not entirely surprisingly, this was happening at a time when the LTTE had stepped up its recruitment, and was insisting on at least one recruit per family, even from the families of NGO workers. This was reported to us by the Norwegian ambassador Mr Bratskar after his final visit to Kilinochchi, soon after Ms van Gerpen’s sanguine report about her own visit.

In fact I brought up this deafening silence in my first meeting with the new UNDP representative, Neil Buhne, and he told me that he thought the UN had mentioned such recruitment in its reports. I asked him to show an instance of this to me, but he was unable to do so, and had to acknowledge that this appeared only in confidential reports. Indeed he practically confessed to me the reason for all this, when I upbraided him more than a year later about the silence of the UN on the failure of the LTTE to release the international UN staff who had gone into LTTE controlled territory in January 2009. When I noted that a much less serious breach on our part would have been highlighted by the UN, he said, ‘But you guys wouldn’t…..’. He paused then, but I could finish the sentence for him – obviously what he meant was that we would not harm the UN whereas the LTTE would.

I should however note here that we should acknowledge the tremendous change in attitude achieved by Mr Buhne, as well as the Heads of OCHA and UNICEF who came to Sri Lanka in 2007. They were of a different mindset, and did their best to work together with government, sometimes despite opposition from some of their staff who still saw the LTTE as innocent victims. At the latter’s farewell party, Mr Buhne testified to the achievement of Mr Duamelle, the recently departed Head of UNICEF, in winning the trust of the Sri Lankans, and I can vouch for this, since by 2008 he and the TMVP were working together to ensure that there were no child soldiers still in the custody of the latter.

In 2007, when my staff at the Peace Secretariat got the TMVP to agree to release some youngsters whom they said they had taken in for protection because of renewed LTTE recruitment after they had been initially released in 2004, the TMVP refused at first to hand them over to UNICEF, They claimed that was the surest way of the LTTE taking them over. My reading of reports on what had happened after the first agreements to release child soldiers suggested that this was not entirely an exaggeration, and Ms van Gerpen certainly would not have been able to prevent such abuse.

Incidentally a continuation of intrigue on the part of some elements in UNICEF could be seen even last year, with reports that were subsequently denied. The UNICEF report on casualties from landmines was another example of this trend, with an attempt later to shift the blame to others for the report. I have urged thorough investigation of both these matters, and I believe we need to continue vigilant. We should note too the insidious manner in which UN reports on children in armed conflict suggested that government and the LTTE were on a par. Condemnation of bombs in Colombo that killed children were equated with unconfirmed reports from TamilNet about child casualties from air force raids on civilian targets. Ms Coomaraswamy who wrote such reports would not take responsibility for the allegations but referred to a Committee in Sri Lanka, which had not fulfilled its initial responsibility of working with government before dispatching such reports.

Let me add too that the Sri Lankan failure to monitor properly also had other adverse consequences in that it led to blanket condemnation of international agencies when deficiencies were discovered, with increasing tensions between Sri Lankans and international agencies and individuals. My own experience was that firmness prevented many problems, and we needed to engage in constant interaction, because often the inadequacies were due to ignorance. In that regard we need to ensure better training for our public servants, so they can deal on the basis of equality (and authority too, since they represent the elected government) with what is termed the international community.

This does not mean that we should blindly trust everyone. After all, though most people working in this field have ideals we should respect, their first allegiances are to their own careers, the institutions for which they work, and the countries they come from, rather than Sri Lanka and its people. At the same time, we should be able to show them how our common interests are more important than any differences we might have. However we cannot ignore the fact that, for various reasons, some individuals do not have our interests at heart. We should be careful about these, but not tar all their associates with the same brush. For instance, my own view is that Eric Solheim had his own agenda, and was not someone who could be trusted. It was also clear that his successor as Facilitator, Mr Hansen-Bauer, was a cipher, who sat like an attentive schoolboy when Mr Solheim was in the room, and could not be expected to react independently, even when circumstances changed. On the other hand, I believe Mr Westborg was an idealist of sorts, even though his mindset was outdated. His successor, Mr Bratskar, did a good job under difficult circumstances, and I think tried to promote an equitable peace. His successor, Mr Hattrem, was even more ready to move forward. Of course there was interference from Mr Solheirm, who was still pursuing his own agenda, but I believe we could have taken greater advantage of the shifting perceptions even amongst the Norwegians.

Again, with the UN, as noted we had a much more open-minded leadership in the last couple of years, while the old traditional agencies such as ILO and WHO – and also those with more experience such as WFP and UNHCR – had excellent and very positive leadership during this period. At the same time we must insist on more recruitment of Sri Lankans to senior positions, as happens currently in UNDP. This will reduce the atmosphere of patronage that now dogs some agencies, which contributes to decisions made without understanding of the ground situation. We should also ensure capable and articulate counterparts at all levels, and prompt written questioning of any abuses that might take place on the part of youngsters anxious to make their mark.

In short, while I believe that government could have been more firm from the start with regard to the CFA, we must also ensure for the future that government ensures that, as the elected representatives of the Sri Lankan people, it makes the decisions, albeit with full consultation of all interested parties, including members of the international community who are well briefed about the ground situation.

Failure to make these ground rules clear led to the LTTE believing that they could get away with anything, hence their total intransigence during negotiations, their high-handed withdrawals, their refusals to return despite the restraint of the government in refraining from active responses to their provocation, in particular at the very end of 2005 and the beginning of 2006. Mr Wickremesinghe’s willingness to concede to them an Interim Self-Governing Agency, and also the terms of the so-called PTOMS agreement, all based on the assumption that the LTTE had a right to govern the areas they controlled, also contributed to their dogmatic approach.

We were also too indulgent in allowing them to refuse to have elections at any stage. In this regard the failure of our media to investigate as to why Prof Peiris’ very proper announcement around 2003 that local elections would be held soon was countermanded by higher authority shows a lack of careful scrutiny by the press and other public interest groups during that period. The absence of any concern for democracy amongst otherwise generally vociferous advocacy groups also testifies to the double standards which the LTTE had succeeded in imposing amongst even well meaning idealists.

Letter to UNDP Representative re UNICEF and other improprieties

[i] July 30^th 2007

Dear Mr Buhne

When I met the UNICEF Representative last week, to be briefed on her visit to Kilinochchi, I was startled by her mention of the LTTE requiring to pass new legislation in order to fulfil particular obligations. As far as I could understand, they felt they could not otherwise change their current practice of recruiting children who are 17.

Though Ms van Gerpen was only reporting what had been told to her, she appreciated the point that it was quite inappropriate to talk of legislation on the part of the LTTE. She has agreed to think of different terminology to express what they put to her.

Though I appreciate her difficulty, in terms of continuing diffidence on the part of international organizations to deal with increasing lawlessness on the part of the LTTE, I believe it would be in the interests of not only the country in which you work, but also the poor suffering people of the Wanni, to be categorical in your condemnation of such practices. There should be zero tolerance of child recruitment. Though this may be difficult for some of your officers who come from countries such as Britain which still I believe engages in under age recruitment, UN officials should work to UN standards. The British army is in any case a voluntary army like ours, and what we are dealing with here is enforced servitude, whether through abductions, or the practice of demanding at least one member of each family.

Ms van Gerpen indicated that the family then decided who would serve, which seems to me a strange use of the term decision. Sadly, through its failure to make clear what I am sure is its abhorrence of such practices, the international community seems to have condoned this, and to be more concerned about ensuring that the families of its own workers are spared.

*

In urging you to make sure that all members of your staff are careful about appearing to condone LTTE pretensions as to sovereignty and its right to make laws, I should draw your attention to the document promulgated by the LTTE entitled ‘Judicial Administration of Tamil Eelam’. I assume your office would have obtained a copy of this in the days when even some elements in the Sri Lankan government seemed to believe that this so-called Administration might be permitted to hold sway over our citizens.

The first clause of that document is –

1. It functions on the basis of the direct approval of His Excellency Mr V Prabakaran, the National Leader.’

Then, after enumeration of the different sorts of judges,

2. Only he has the authority to reduce or increase the sentences of the Courts wherever the need arises.

3. All laws are made with his approval.’

The Supreme Court ‘consists of three judges, appointed by the National Leader.’

Given the caveat made to Ms van Gerpen, you should perhaps know that the section on Legislation specifies

1. Making of Laws.

Drafting new Laws in accordance with the needs of the time, and in terms of the attitude and conduct of the people.

2. Approving:

Whenever the need arises for new laws, in terms of the needs of the judiciary, adopting the appropriate laws of other nations.

The committee for the review of legislation consists of

1. Official in Charge of Political Field.

2. Official in Charge of intelligence. and six others in charge of Finance, Police, Judicial Administration, Research Organization of women, “Chencholai”, Refuges Rehabilitation.

This committee for review after having discussed and reviewed the Legal drafts drawn by the legislation submits the final form of draft to the National Leader for approval. This Committee will meet as and when needed.

You should also note that the head of the judiciary seems to be someone called ‘Official in Charge (all) whose first duty is ‘Implementing the views of National Leader in respect of Judicial Administration Informing him’

*

I should also mention here other instances in which terminology used by the UN is inappropriate, and may seem to support an unelected authoritarian regime. The last IRIN report says that ‘The LTTE allows the government’s civil administration to function in areas under its control but keeps a watchful eye on their activities’. The UN should not seem to condone the idea of LTTE indulgence, accompanied by due caution. A more appropriate way of describing the situation would have been,

‘The government continues to function in areas under LTTE control, through legally appointed representatives such as Mr Vedanayagam. It fund numerous services, including health and education, many aspects of which the LTTE does not disrupt, though ensuring that its own priorities are fulfilled.’

I would not expect you to record that amongst services disrupted is the education of some children. I hope however that you and your staff will work more purposefully to minimize this. Accepting the argument that so-called ‘legislation’ is necessary to stop abuse is not conducive to the ends we all seek. I believe that, even if intended as tactful and gracious, this will be seen as appeasement, and history has shown us that appeasement does not work.

Yours sincerely,

Rajiva Wijesinha

Former LTTE combatants at a rehabilitation centre

Having reflected a couple of months back, after the Emergency Debate, on the changes we were able to achieve over the last couple of years, I thought this time I should consider a few more things that could be done. I will do this in the context of the remarks made by the Opposition during the debate, since I believe we should take seriously the serious points they raise, even while regretting the knots into which they have tied themselves through their relentless and unprincipled opposition to government.

This was most apparent in the counterpoint as it were between the pronouncements of General Sarath Fonseka, and the issues raised by some minority politicians who were forced, due to the infinite genius of the Leader of the Opposition, to have supported the General during the Presidential Election. One has already granted that this was a mistake, but I felt in particular sorry for the members of the TNA, as they engaged in criticism of the cantonments that they felt were springing up all over the North.

In this context I wondered how many of them remembered the General’s reason, as expressed in his letter of resignation, for distrust springing up between him and the President. He claimed it was because the President vetoed his plan to increase the army by 100,000 men. Taken in conjunction with his claim that the displaced were being released far too quickly, without proper attention to security concerns, it seems clear that, if there was any plan to change the demography of the North by planting it with soldiers, on the lines of the old Roman Empire, it was inspired by him. Fortunately the President thought otherwise, and said so graphically, as the General’s letter makes clear.

My own view is that security requirements must be paramount, and therefore military outposts in select areas should not be a problem. However I would agree that government needs to minimize inconvenience, and in this regard rationales for any particular choices should be made clear, along with systems of compensation that will be implemented as necessary.

But there is also another area in which reassurance could easily be provided, and that is by making it clear that the security forces are representative of the entire Sri Lankan state, and not merely of one of its components. In this context government would do well to consider the agreements reached shortly after the institution of Provincial Councils, that the armed forces would reflect the population of the country. This was a very positive step, because it affirmed the fact that, whatever responsibilities were devolved, the responsibility for security would remain with the central government. Equity in this regard would be ensured by making the armed forces of the country representative of the country as a whole, working under a unified central command.

In this context I was reminded of another of General Fonseka’s characteristic pronouncements, when he expressed what seemed an exclusivist majoritarianism, that we had to make clear in those days was not the view of the government. My own view at the time was that he had not meant to suggest that there was no role for the minorities, and I believe that, whatever he felt then, he is now more enlightened, and would also welcome enhanced recruitment of minorities into the forces. Certainly, given the positive steps taken by the Secretary of Defence, even in the midst of terrorist threats, to recruit Tamils to the police, and also to the Cadet Corps, I believe there should now be an even more pro-active policy of such recruitment, so that the message will be clear that the forces, deployed in all parts of the country for the security of all, represent the nation as a whole. I believe swift action in this regard would go a long way towards removing the suspicions that are expressed about any cantonments that will be constructed.

The second area in which I believe some concerns expressed by the Opposition should be addressed concerns what they claim is a culture of impunity. This was claimed during this debate with regard to the attack on the Siyatha television station. The implication was that government was responsible for the attack, which I believe is nonsense. Such an attack was obviously damaging to government, and no sensible supporter of the government could imagine otherwise.

However we have to recognize that there may be those supportive of the government who have personal reasons for behaving wrongly. Though we cannot be sure, it is possible that this is what happened in particular instances in the past, with regard for instance to Keith Noyahr and the ‘Nation’ newspaper, as well as the murder of Lasantha Wickramatunga. Unfortunately the relative slowness of police investigations in such instances lends credence to the view that government was responsible, if not for the actions, for allowing the perpetrators to get away.

I am aware myself that sometimes investigations are slow, because police are not sure how to proceed. There was an example of this a couple of years back, when there was a sudden spate of abductions in the East, and organizations that prided themselves on their advocacy claimed that government was responsible. As I pointed out to them at the time, this was the surest way of encouraging the police to do nothing. Instead, we urged the police as well as the Security Forces commander to ensure that investigations were pursued, and sure enough, two separate gangs, with no connection to government or to the TMVP, were soon apprehended.

It is desirable therefore that government makes it clear that untoward incidents will be investigated, and measures taken against the perpetrators. The excuse that was proferred, with regard for instance to the Keith Noyahr case, that there were other priorities, is no longer tenable. And, if investigation provides some leads, they should be followed up and charges pressed as possible. It does not matter if the case is not proved, since justice is not simply a retributive exercise, it is concerned also with deterrence and reform.

These last must be paramount, in the process of Reconciliation that needs to be promoted. I have noted before that Reconciliation based on the past and on retribution is not going to get us anywhere, we need to concentrate rather on reconciliation that looks to the future, reconciliation that brings people together. I believe that better policing is essential for this, and policing based on equal justice for all. That is as important for the future as inclusivity in the armed forces as well as the police, and the perception that all these serve the people as a whole.

Rajiva Wijesinha

The Island Online 5 August 2010 http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=3698

]]> http://rajivawijesinha.wordpress.com/2010/08/03/reflections-on-the-emergency-debate-august-2010/feed/ 0 http://www.groundviews.org/2010/07/28/media-development-authority-another-name-for-media-control-in-sri-lanka/ http://www.groundviews.org/2010/07/28/media-development-authority-another-name-for-media-control-in-sri-lanka/#comments Wed, 28 Jul 2010 01:38:11 +0000 kottu http://www.groundviews.org/?p=3840 The  recent announcement of Government of Sri Lanka’s (GOSL) intention to establish a Media Development Authority (MDA) in Sri Lanka could be taken as an indication of its approach towards media in the context of post-war economic development. An official  statement posted  on 25^th July 2010 on a government news portal shows that the proposed authority will be modeled on along the lines of  the MDA of Singapore.

The sections dealing with the policy of MDA SL is almost copied word by word from the wikipage on the Singapore MDA, which in turn is based on the official Singapore MDA site.

Here are some examples:

“MDA will play a vital role as an umbrella organization for all kinds of media in transforming Sri Lanka into a Trusted Global Capital for New Asia Media. MDA spearheads initiatives that promote industry growth in arts, film, television, radio, publishing, music, games, animation, Interactive Digital Media, internet, Satellite,  Cellular Mobile Services, software & IT services” (GOSL announcement)

“MDA plays a vital role in transforming Singapore into a Trusted Global Capital for New Asia Media. MDA spearheads initiatives that promote industry growth in film, television, radio, publishing, music, games, animation and Interactive Digital Media.”(Wikipage on  the Singapore MDA)

“At the same time, in ensuring clear consistent and predictable regulatory policies and guidelines to protect core values and safeguard public interests, MDA helps to foster a pro-business environment for industry players through policy, process of registration and professional recognition.” (GOSL announcement)

“At the same time, in ensuring clear and consistent regulatory policies and guidelines to protect core values and safeguard consumers’ interests, MDA helps to foster a pro-business environment for industry players and increase media choices for consumers” (Wikipage on or of the Singapore MDA)

A simple Google search and comparison will show that most of the ideas in the GOSL announcement has its origins in the MDA of Singapore. Do we need any more hints as where the MDA of SL will be heading?

Minister Rambukwella who made the initial announcement on the MDA of Sri Lanka headed the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS) during the last phase of war against the LTTE. Now the war is over and the MCNS is practically defunct. In one of his speeches as spokesperson for the MCNS Minister Rambukwella warned Sri Lankan media not to become unpatriotic giving an example from Israel.” I can cite an example when Israel attacks took place ( against Palestine)  not one single channel condemned it, while the whole world almost condemned it, they ( the media) had that patriotism. We appeal to television and print media to be courteous because what they carry out could be detrimental to the national security” (ITN news, 06 March 2007). Theoretically all news items related to war/national security had to be approved by the MCNS. Waging war was the priority to telling the truth.

Now as Sri Lanka is projecting to be the Miracle of Asia instead of Israel’s war media, Singapore’s development media may be the example to follow. In the Singapore model there is no place for rights of   people, material and moral development being the priority. If things move as planned most probably the MDA of SL will replace the MCNS. It will spearhead media control for moral policing and economic development taking Singapore as a model.

When we are  promised that the executive presidential system will be abolished what we get instead is a proposal to make the terms of executive presidency unlimited! When we are  promised a Right to Information Act what we get is a Media Authority! Clearly the signs  of the times!

Speaking to a weekend English newspaper former chairperson of the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Cooperation (SLRC) and the present director general of the information department Dr. Athugala had said “We have seen as to how some media institutions have gone astray. The setting up of such an authority would certainly help guide local media institutions to improve media ethics“. This statement shed some light on intentions of the MDA of SL. It intend to  guide local media on ethical journalism!.

Can any of us believe that the GOSL is serious in implementing  professional media guidelines to improve fair, balance and accurate coverage of social, political and cultural developments in the country? Not at all. Today the most unethical media behavior in Sri Lanka is the trademark of the state controlled media, which are the responsibility of Minister Rambukwella. The SLRC degenerated into the depths of a hateful and mud slinging gutter press under Dr. Athugala. Even the guidelines for state media imposed by the Commissioner of Elections during the two recent elections were flagrantly violated under Dr. Athugala. Charity begins at home and if the GOSL is to improve good journalism it must begin transforming the huge state-controlled media into a genuine independent public services media, which has become a naked political propaganda machine for Rajapaksha’s political agenda.

Here is the open question: what does it mean when the state which is the biggest violator of professional media ethics is establishing an authority along the lines of the MDA of Singapore to guide media? Where will it end-up guiding media in Sri Lanka? Looking back at how media was intimidated and controlled during the last few years, we may say that the answer my friend, is blowing in the wind!

###

Editors note: Even as the government talks about media development post-war, investigations into dastardly abductions, murders and serious threats against journalists perennially remain in stasis. As Gypsy Bohemia in …for The Missing notes,

Journalist and cartoonist Prageeth Ekneligoda went missing on the 24th of January, days after writing several critical articles regarding election malpractices by the Government. He remains missing to this day. Like him, hordes of journalists have been arrested, abducted, jailed, tortured and murdered for reporting the truth and expressing dissenting views. Some have been returned to their families. Others, like Ekaneligoda, have simply vanished without a trace, leaving their families with the horror of not knowing whether to hope or grieve.

These attacks are not simply hits against the media. They are a direct violation of our rights: the right to know the truth of what is out there, the right to ask questions of those who should answer to us, and the right to simply have a different point of view.

For every voice that is silenced, more must shoulder their burden, wear their courage and take their place to end this cycle of insidious violence.

• Ravaya, the LTTE and the Keheliya Chintanaya
• Untapped Potential in our Land
• Dallas – Are you listening? Part II
• Minister of what?????
• Use Of SMS By Govt For Vital Information Dissemination

Broadly speaking, humanitarianism refers to an ethic of kindness and sympathy extended universally and impartially to all of humanity. Those who profess these values can arguably be termed humanitarian. In the academic literature, a more precise definition remains problematic as it can be interpreted as humanitarian assistance, humanitarian intervention or a conflation of the two. I will be focusing on humanitarian assistance, which refers to the ways in which helping others is done (Allen and Schomerus, 2008: 45). The fundamental principles espoused by most aid agencies under the name of humanitarianism focus on four key areas: universality, impartiality, neutrality and independence. These are arguably aspirations and powerful critiques have been made against aid agencies as to their ability to fulfil them. Furthermore, it has been argued that the action of aid agencies often leads to perverse outcomes, for example prolonging the war e.g. Biafra (Smillie in De Waal, 1995: 77), or becoming complicit in abuses of human rights e.g. The World Food Program in Ugandan refugee camps (Branch, 2008). In defence of humanitarians, however, they have set themselves very high principles, which will always be impossible to entirely achieve. Some like Zoe Marriage advocate that it would be better for NGOs to commit to limited but doable tasks than to express universalist aims that perpetually founder (Marriage, 2006: 137). This would make it easier to assess agencies. Nevertheless, in acknowledging that humanitarians face huge problems, there is space in the discourse to promote better strategies. Therefore the key way to make humanitarian aid more effective would be to focus not simply on deficits and needs but also on strategies – facilitating the (non-damaging) strategies of disaster victims and counteracting the strategies of those who manipulate disasters for personal or political gain (Keen, 2008: 148). Contemporary humanitarianism must be viewed through an evolving lens and in order to better live up to their principles, aid agencies should acknowledge their limitations, endeavour to be more accountable and learn from past mistakes. In this way, they may avoid complicity in causing the very human suffering that they are committed to resolve (Branch, 2008: 170).

The way I will structure this essay is to critically analyze the principles espoused by aid agencies by considering how these principles are carried out. There is clearly a gap between rhetoric and practice which exposes aid agencies to criticism. Additionally, I will convey how the actions of aid agencies often lead to perverse outcomes. However, it is necessary to take into consideration that on the ground things are always more complex and the costs of inaction could also be very high which does leave humanitarians in a difficult moral dilemma which starkly shows the divergence between humanitarian aspirations and humanitarian realities.

Universality?

This is one of the fundamental tenets of aid agencies which have been questioned by a number of critical authors (Marriage 2006, De Waal 1995). For example, DFID in 1998 claimed that it ‘sought to promote a more universal approach to addressing humanitarian needs wherever they arose. People in need wherever they were – should have equal status and rights to assistance’ (DFID in Marriage, 2006: 15). This was seriously brought into question, for example, in Sierra Leone where aid agencies such as DFID showed a capital city bias. This was due to the differing priorities between principal and beneficiary. Put more starkly, the aid agencies were primarily concerned with their own safety and Freetown was the only evacuation point for foreign workers. This meant that NGOs tended to only provide assistance to those in Freetown as assisting became more difficult outside the city. These practicalities may have been understandable due to the dangers these humanitarians would have faced, but what became very questionable was the way they tried to claim universality by ignoring people informally or by introducing categories that excluded them (Marriage, 2006: 4) in order to stay ‘true’ to their stated objectives. De Waal expands upon this and posits that the demands of fund raising and institutional survival make it imperative not to admit failures (De Waal, 1997: 80). Additionally, concern with organizational growth tends to encourage a concentration of NGO efforts on high profile cases and even those parts of crisis areas that are easily accessible to the media (Keen, 2008:134) further undermining the aspiration of universality to the practical realities of chasing funding. Therefore the dual incentives of humanitarianism and institutional survival are often conflated in order to justify to humanitarians and their backers their strategies, which may in fact not lead to the most humanitarian outcome. This is a legitimate criticism and continued adherence to institutional survival over humanitarian principles is likely to lead to cynicism within the aid industry.

Impartiality and Political Neutrality?

These two principles arguably overlap, with the former entailing the distribution of aid according to need to those on all sides of a conflict, regardless of race, religion or ethnic group; and the latter entailing not taking sides or contributing/strengthening any side of the conflict (Allen and Schomerus, 2008: 182). However, aid is inherently political and to suggest that it is not is simply disingenuous. It is plainly impossible to remain politically impartial and neutral. In remaining silent in order to adhere to these principles, one de facto supports the status quo and can arguably be condemned as ‘complicit in the systematic massacre of a population’ (Kouchner, 1968). The ICRC would likely retort that in order to protect lives it must remain impartial and neutral in order to have continued access to victims. However, following the ICRC’s silence with regard to the Holocaust, this method is clearly problematic. Unfortunately, either action or inaction on behalf of humanitarianism can often have negative implications.

A clear example of the perversion of ‘neutrality’ occurred in Uganda in 1996. Branch argues that humanitarian agencies were directly responsible for enabling the government’s counterinsurgency, in particular its policy of mass forced displacement and internment of a large proportion of the Acholi population. He justifies this by stating that internment camps were only able to be created because humanitarian agencies moved in at their conception to supply them with relief aid and that if they had not, the policy of forced displacement would have been a failure (Branch, 2008: 151-173). Aid agencies, in not speaking out against the government became complicit in its displacement policy. This critique falls into the arguments of aid sustaining wars and propping up governments. However, it is difficult to imagine that had they not intervened the Acholi population would have been better off without aid, as many were coercively driven into camps suggesting that their capacity for exit was clearly not particularly strong. This follows Slim’s reasoning who posits that it is dangerous to withhold a definite good or benefit for the sake of an unknowable future good (Slim in Keen, 2008: 141). Counterfactuals aside, this example shows that the actions of humanitarians can lead to unintended, perverse outcomes, demonstrating that the high aspirations of aid agencies in theory differ from on the ground where moral dilemmas abound in practice.

In addition, the mere presence of relief aid often can perversely lead to the strengthening of rebel forces. This moral dilemma was very clear in the Zairian camps after the Rwandan genocide. For example, emergency aid to Hutu refugees in Zaire was notoriously manipulated by militia fighters who had participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide…helping the Hutu extremists to recover and rearm. This diversion of relief by warring parties served to undermine the political neutrality of agencies. (Keen, 2008: 126, Allen and Schomerus, 2008: 183). Then, there is the moral dilemma of whether aid should be withheld in order to prevent sustaining killers at the expense of innocent lives within the camps. Aid agencies have been criticised for sustaining war but arguably in this case the blame should lie with the international community. By failing to send a multinational force to separate and disarm the Hutu extremists, aid agencies were put in an impossible position. (Keen, 2008: 127). Such moral complexities show how humanitarian rhetoric can very often in reality not live up to its high aspirations. Arguably the challenge for relief agencies is to determine the proper limits of their moral responsibility for the negative impact of emergency aid and then make all efforts to mitigate against it in their programmes (Slim, 1997: 245).

Independence?

This refers to the independence of agencies from the political or other objectives of donors and governments. This is a very questionable principle as in practice many humanitarian agencies receive funding from donors who want an influence over the strategy undertaken. This may also have the unintended effect of making an NGO a target in a complex emergency as it is perceived as being unduly influenced by governments, rather than independently pursuing its humanitarian mandate. For example, in 2004 Care USA received 75% of its funding from the US government. This put its operations in Iraq at risk due to its close association with the US. This was demonstrated by the abduction of the local director who was later killed (Keen, 2008: 135).

Furthermore, the independence of humanitarian agencies can be undermined in complex emergencies if they are critical of the incumbent government. For example MSF were forced out of Ethiopia when they denounced the Soviet backed Mengistu government for being responsible for the famine. Many donors were wary of supporting humanitarian agencies in Ethiopia due to Cold War politics but once the famine story flooded the media they had little choice but to acquiesce to public pressure. This shows that donors, as well as humanitarian agencies, do not have a carte blanche to act.  However, this support for humanitarian agencies to pursue independent agendas was also problematic with Rieff arguing that guilt stricken donations helped to fund a brutal resettlement program that may have killed up to 100,000 (Rieff, 2005). This links back to the perverse outcomes of aid giving by obscuring the politics behind an emergency and allowing donors to believe there is an easy solution where they are the most important actors (De Waal, 1997: 83).

Conclusion

There is clearly a gap between rhetoric and practice which exposes aid agencies to criticism. The high principles that are espoused are often difficult to fulfil in practice and aid agencies may often mislead in order to stay technically within their publicly stated objectives – a criticism that Marriage specifically levelled at DFID in its Sierra Leone operations. Furthermore, institutional survival often makes it impossible to admit failures, jeopardising future funding. This often allows for unworkable practices to remain for the benefit of the aid agency, trumping the needs of their alleged beneficiaries. Moreover, these principles are very different once on the ground as aid agencies have to contend with moral complexities and whether their action is helping or in fact worsening the situation. Critiques abound centred around arguments of aid sustaining wars and propping up governments. But the reality is often very difficult and the cost of inaction could also be very high. Such moral complexities show how humanitarian rhetoric can very often in reality not live up to its high aspirations. Nevertheless, in order to move forward, humanitarianism must be viewed through an evolving lens. Hence, in order to better live up to their principles, aid agencies must acknowledge their limitations, endeavour to be more accountable and learn from past mistakes. In this way, they may avoid complicity in causing the very human suffering that they are committed to resolve (Branch, 2008: 170).

Felix Baden-Powell read Politics at the University of Edinburgh and is now reading Development Management at LSE.

Bibliography

Allen, Tim and Schomerus, Mareike (2008) ‘Complex Emergencies and Humanitarian Responses’

De Waal, Alex (1997) ‘Famine Crimes: Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa’ Indiana University Press, Indianapolis

Keen, David (2008) ‘Complex Emergencies’ Polity Press, Cambridge

Kouchner, Bernard (1968)

Marriage, Zoe (2006) ‘Not Breaking the Rules, Not Playing the Game: International Assistance to Countries at War’ Hurst and Co Publishers, London

Rieff, David (2005) ‘Cruel to be Kind?’ in The Guardian< http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2005/jun/24/g8.debtrelief>

Slim, Hugo (1997) ‘Doing the Right Thing: Relief Agencies, Moral Dilemmas and Moral Responsibility in Political Emergencies and War’ Disasters, Vol 21, No. 3.

• Civilian displacements in the Vanni
• Hearts and Minds: the forced exit of humanitarian agencies from the Vanni in Sri Lanka
• Double standards?
• Sri Lanka: The best humanitarian crisis business destination
• Should we prosecute crimes against humanity?

troops into formation under a different philosophy and yet appeal
to their strengths to cohere as a group not any longer in waging war

against the State but to reveal their common humanity to agree
to a public celebration of private bonds, to ensure their co-habiting

led to proper inheritance for children, access to social welfare
payments when necessary, all to the good for these members

of a herd, now in white vershtis and magenta sarees eating cake
and chatting with relatives witnessed by the Bollywood actor

Vivek Oberoi, no less, before returning to detention camps,
now two by two, respectable members of the new unitary ark,

where domestic animals gather obediently while the brigadier
sheds a tear; he told the press, he was nervous, even more so

than before his own wedding, which did not take place thankfully
under public glare and was not diminished by the splendour

of mass marriage like mass production of poultry, efficiencies
of scale, government desire to move rehabilitation forward

in one swoop, a sort of dog training in a large group; anybody
realize that marriage among truly reborn takes place between

two people and the witnesses are God and invited guests? Here,
some exceptions were made to the usual practice, no consultation

with bride or groom, whether the actor was indeed an honoured
guest, or if the brigadier should cry like a mother, or if even

53 couples minded seeing their knots tied in the presence
of each other, or have Reverend Moon and other enlightened

priests of mass marriage, become advisers to Sri Lankan
military, spiritual guides to its standard operating procedure?

• Mass Graves: Nothing new to Sri Lanka
• Reflections One Year On: The Commission of Inquiry and the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons
• My abducted brother found in Colombo National Hospital
• The post-Prabhakaran government strategy in Sri Lanka and overseas
• Another abduction in Colombo

We were both amazed at this teenager’s knowledge in this remote corner, yet he knew and he had formed an opinion. Such is the result of a communications revolution that is making the world truly global village. No longer can the west have an advantage over others by hoarding information and knowledge. World is becoming level.

Yet, it amazed me when the likes of Milliband, Koucher and other western nations tried to force Sri Lanka to stop short of militarily destroying the LTTE, when the world knew of its reputation as the most ruthless terrorist organization. Many people in Sri Lanka figured out that, their local Tamil constituencies supporting the LTTE were behind these moves.

On the other hand, indeed many of us in Sri Lanka were concerned about the civilians innocently caught up in the war. Yet, we also know from history the amount of collateral damage any terrible war inflicts. The allied forces and Hitler’s Germany caused each other mayhem bombing cities like Dresden from one side and London on the other killing so many innocent people. Yes, the Nazi’s were brought to book, but were any of the allied forces indicted for killing all those German civilians by bombing so many cities ? Yet, we accept that as a cost of war to stop a criminal like Hitler.

Of course, there are international rules Sri Lanka should have adhered to in conducting the war.  Many were flouted, from the stories we hear. The Sri Lankan government also took a hard line on any opposition or dissension on its focused war effort.   The government’s line “If you are not with us you are with them” was taken straight from Bush’s war on terrorism. There were many other tactics used with impunity to keep its war effort going. These were the very same the US used in its war on terror, including forced abductions and torture.

Now I draw the line when it comes to these kinds of extra judicial actions that violate our rights. Yet, we do not have an international benchmark anymore to measure against. The moral authority, which the USA and west seemed to have, at least to many of us who did not know any better, had diminished for sure with Bush openly squandering it with his swagger, rhetoric and action.

Sermons of the Cowards

Singaporean author Kishore Mahbubani in his recent article The Sermons of the Cowards highlights the double standards of the west when he states;

The first flaw of western discourse is its inability to practice what it preaches in this respect: to speak truth to power. This is revealed in the reluctance of western governments to discuss the most catastrophic reversal in the field of human rights: the decision by the US government to defend the use of torture.

No longer are we dealing with an ignorant and uneducated world. Not only are people in most countries in the loop through communications technologies and mobility, they are wiser now and make sound judgments of what is happening around them.  As Mahbubani says, as the west conducts a self-congratulatory conversation on the subject, the rest of the world sees an emperor with no moral clothing.

Revelations from the likes of John Perkins in his brave book, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, more of the emperor is being bared.  Some day the USA will have to redeem itself to right the wrongs that were committed in the name of developing and sustaining the lifestyle of the Americans while fighting the communist threat. Who will answer to the deaths of enlightened leaders like Panama’s Omar Torrijos, Ecuador ’s Roldos, Chile’s Allende, and countless others just because they wanted to look after the interests of their own people and not the US government’s and its business interests.

Chevron Texaco ruined Ecuador’s Amazon region and its indigenous people with its oil explorations and extraction.  In 1954, United Fruit with the CIA overthrew Guatemala’s democratically elected people’s President Arbenz who promised his people a fair government and land reform and installed the ruthless right wing dictator, Colonel Carlos Castillo who danced to their tune and hurt his own.

This pattern continues in other parts of the world too. Reading Martin Meredith’s, State of Africa describes appalling stories of western support to African scoundrels who bled their countries of people and money just because they looked after their interests.

France was notorious in its support of the likes of Central African Republic’s Bokkassa, the flamboyant Houphouet-Boigny of Cote d’Ivoire who ran their countries to the ground.

Meredith states;

Jean Bedel  Bokassa’s  career as a dictator combined not only extreme greed and personal violence but delusion of grandeur.

Bokassa looked upon President De Gaulle as his adoptive father and after him a close friendship with Valery Giscard d’Estang who used the republic as his hunting ground.  D’Estang has the dubious honor of killing over 50 elephants and many other animals in the 1970s.  No wonder they had the double standard – the blind spot – as long as their personal and national interests were looked after, while millions of people suffered.

Another African scoundrel, Mobutu of Zaire was deemed the great plunderer with good reason.  He too amassed a huge fortune, while the country ran dry and people starved.   He was also a nasty man, vindictive and brutally silenced any critic.   Yet the US government provided more than $ 860 million of aid from 1965 to 1988. Not only that, Vice President George Bush senior heaped praise on him, just after he had imprisoned his opposition in 1982;

“I have come to appreciate the dynamism that is so characteristic of Zaire and Zairians and to respect your dedication to fairness and reason” said Bush senior and as if that was not enough went onto to say “I have come to admire, Mr. President, your personal courage and leadership in Africa”.

Incredible!

In the meantime, fifteen Zairian parliamentarians had published a 51 page indictment in 1980 against Mobutu summarized below;

After fifteen years of the power you have exercised alone, we find ourselves divided into two absolute distinct camps.  On one side, a few scandalously rich persons.  On the other, masses of people suffering the darkest misery.

The US government obviously did not have their eyes and ears open or just chose to ignore.

Nuclear Doublespeak

Then there are other glaring double standards every time the US and allies take on countries like Iran, Pakistan and India to task for their nuclear developments as they are not part of the old boys club. Anyway, the notion of possessing nuclear capabilities for security is an oxymoron. Using it even once will lead to the destruction of humanity. So, the US and others sitting on a high horse and pontificating to anyone they think should not have nuclear capability is comical. If at all Japan has the moral authority in today’s context to protest against any nuclear arms development anywhere including the west, as they possess none.

Having studied, Nuclear Energy in my tertiary education I am anti-nuke as I think, the power industry is inevitably linked to the arms industry in many of these countries as nuclear waste’s usefulness gets extended in weapons. A world with evolved human beings should not need nuclear weapons for security. What are we so afraid of ?

But then again, we maybe evolved in technology and other material domains, but not evolved in the mind.

Narcissus Lives

The Buddha saw us humans 2500 years ago as Narcissus, captivated by our own image and reflection, reveling in our own seeming self-sufficiency and ignoring all the reminders of our own precarious and impermanent being and natures. We live in illusion about our own flawed sense of egoistic self and not even conscious about it.

2500 years later, we still live in illusion and fear, hoarding material wealth, technology, wielding power over others, just the same way the west conquered the east with weapons of destruction, it’s just that the modern arms could wipe us all out in seconds.

Wake Up and Presence

So, when will the powerful west wake from this slumber to realize that the whole world, including that boy on the hill, is watching and wondering that there is a huge gap between what they pontificate, ‘espoused theories’ – as Agyris and Schon, the social scientists say – and what they do, their ‘theories in action’. The difference is they are getting angry enough to blow themselves up in frustration.

In our leadership interventions with organizations we play a game called the Winning Game to see how even good people, when they are wronged are willing to lose while taking revenge. Our complex humanity is hanging on a thread, so the west, with all its material wealth and power needs to build its credibility to be a shining example of graciousness to the rest so every human on this earth has a life of dignity. The only way to reach that is to evolve the individual mind through spiritual practices such as meditation, yoga and martial arts, so the collective will transform into a more humane world.  In the meantime, people in glasshouses should not throw stones at the rest.

• Lashkar-e-Taiba in Sri Lanka?
• The Nobel Peace Farce: President Obama
• Barack Obama: Hope for America, but not for the world?
• Myanmar (Burma) luvs Lanka
• Western baloney on “human rights”

Philip Alston - United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions.

 On August 12^th last year an appalling incident took place in Angulana, when two young men were arrested, and subsequently killed. Even if one refrained from drawing any conclusions about who was responsible, one could say definitely that this was a clear case of extra-judicial or summary or arbitrary execution.   

The case was not however of great interest to Prof Philip Alston, the UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-judicial or Summary or Arbitary Executions. Perhaps he did not understand the gravity of the incident, though that would be surprising, given the intense interest he has evinced in Sri Lanka of late, and the flood of information concerning this country that he evidently receives. Most recently issued a press release about a video, while earlier in May he was party to a press release that was, not entirely coincidentally, issued at the time when some Western countries were desperately seeking signatures for a Special Session of the UN Human Rights Council before the LTTE fighting force in Sri Lanka was destroyed.   

Those Special Rapporteurs also found it fit to issue, when the Special Session was finally held in late May, a statement that seemed designed to influence the outcome of the Session. When those manoeuvers failed, one Special Rapporteur declared that all was disaster, a judgment that should have led to an inquiry by the Secretary General as to whether she was sufficiently detached to continue to exercise her mandate. Her views seemed to be shared by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, who made a pronouncement at the ordinary session of the Council which prompted stern rebukes from member states.   

What is sad about all this is that such blatant affirmation of prejudice takes away from the good such Special Rapporteurs should do. The Angulana murders are case in point, because an inquiry from Prof Alston would have strengthened efforts to expedite action, not only to deal firmly with the perpetrators of the killings, but also to take steps to prevent such incidents in the future.   

In this context I am also disappointed that his colleague, Prof Manfred Nowak, the Special Rapporteur on Torture, did not inquire about the abduction and apparent torture of an SLIIT student, which took place on August 4^th. I should note however that Prof Nowak has regularly reported cases of alleged torture islandwide, and unlike his peers has not confined himself to incidents relating to the struggle of the Sri Lankan state against terrorists. Thus, when he does raise questions about such incidents, his credibility is intact, and we know we are dealing with someone who genuinely concerned to fulfil his mandate, and assist us to reduce examples of torture.   

That such exist we know, and government is committed to eradicating or at least reducing them, and ensuring that disciplinary and punitive actions are taken when the need arises. The Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights has been working on the issue, with the cooperation of the Inspector General and senior police officers. Though progress has been slower than we would have liked, we have recognized the immense burden thrown on the police force in recent years. Now however, with the defeat of terrorist forces, there will be less to distract the force from dealing firmly and expeditiously with human rights abuses and in particular torture.   

In such a context, we can hope, while sympathizing with the victim, that good will come of the SLIIT incident, and that it will instill recognition of the fact that, as Prof Nowak commented, torture may become endemic if firm action is not taken against those who engage in it. It is owed to the many who have striven to do their duty correctly in difficult circumstances to deal firmly with abuse, and prevent the whole force being sullied by what should be exceptional and extraordinary incidents.   

Similarly, we in Sri Lanka should not allow the reputation of Special Rapporteurs in general to be destroyed by the political games played by a few. Prof Nowak has, as noted, generally fulfilled his mandate helpfully, and the other Rapporteur who visited Sri Lanka recently, Prof Walter Kalin, was thorough in both pointing out problems and suggesting how to deal with them through a principled rights based approach. I have no doubt that further visits by him would be immensely helpful in the context of the real problems we face with regard to the internally displaced. Whilst I believe we have done better by them than has happened in similar cases elsewhere, we can certainly benefit from advice based on knowledge of the guiding principles that should be applied, along with the sympathetic intelligence that will take into account the precise context.   

Unfortunately the excellent work of such jurists is vitiated by the selective interventions of Prof Alston and his ilk. I do not know how many of them share the view of their colleague, that the decision of the Human Rights Council was a disaster, but if they do, they should recuse themselves from all activities and pronouncements relating to Sri Lanka. That will allow us to work productively with the few who are concerned with Human Rights, and Human Rights only, and not a political agenda that should have no place in the United Nations.

Since early 2009 and beginning with Colombo and Kandy, Google Maps has progressively improved the level of detail on maps in Sri Lanka. Many major cities now feature street level data, and main roads across all of Sri Lanka are now plotted. Google Latitude is a free service that allows you to plot on Google Maps your current location, using the web or automatically via a client that can be installed on a range of mobile phones models, including:

Google Location History, which is pegged to Google Latitude, allows one to plot on the web all travel over a certain period of time.

I have a Blackberry Bold 9700 (which has A-GPS) running Google Latitude, set up to update my location automatically, and this is a video of my travels over the 8th of May 2010, at the end of which I took a flight out of Sri Lanka.

Google allows one to plot the last 500 odd location updates, which can even span multiple countries. This is not information available publicly or on any timeline shared without my explicit permission. I uploaded this video only to demonstrate the power of Google Latitude’s location awareness. As Google notes,

• Your history will not be visible publicly or to your Google Latitude friends.
• You may delete your entire location history or portions of it whenever you like.

Admittedly, it is a tad disconcerting to see one’s movements tracked with such unerring accuracy. Yes, I’ve chosen to share my current location information, but seeing my daily routine plotted on the web – including my movements from home to and around Colombo and my route to the airport – is a stark reminder of how seamless and sophisticated Google’s technology really is, undergirded by developments in telecoms infrastructure and the sophistication of mobile devices. Some might even argue, and not without merit, that these technologies are invasive, needlessly opening up one’s personal life to Google’s scrutiny.

But consider this.

If one already has a compatible mobile handset, this are technologies that without any further expense can help colleagues, friends and family keep tabs on one’s movements, especially valuable for human rights activists at high risk of personal harm or abduction. All everyone needs is a Gmail account. Coupled with simple measures like calling ahead with an estimated time of arrival when attending meetings and travelling, this is an easy, effective and once set up, completely automatic way of plotting one’s travels on a map which can be accessed by trusted parties in case of an emergency.

It is potentially a life-saver.

And as I have noted before, the potential uses for this in real time election violence monitoring, IDPs and refugee movement tracking, Human Rights and Ceasefire monitoring, peacekeeping, humanitarian relief and disaster management are impressive and beg to be explored.

A boycott Sri Lanka fashion show, San Fran

To quote:

Twenty-foot tall banners advertising the “No Blood for Panties” video series on boycotting apparel made in Sri Lanka adorned the backdrop of the catwalk, according to activists participating in the street fair…

This year’s theme was “Bollyweird: The cosmic Dance” and included ten music stages, a mock Hindu temple, fantastic costumes, food and other festivities spread across ten city blocks. (TamilNet, blocked in Sri Lanka. I use VTunnel, this link may work)

l shan’t get into the absurdity of the campaign itself which, had it the remotest possibility of working, would simply impoverish average people without accomplishing anything. Just to say, WTF? When did mock Hindu temples and catwalks begin the vanguard of Eelamist Rebellion. It seems true that history repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce.

Sri Lanka (SL) draws close to another election, an election of relative importance to the nation since the prime lawmaking body is to be elected from it. The election euphoria as experienced by us before is not visible amongst the masses this time; the obvious reason happens to be the long series of elections that were held consecutively making the people restless and tired killing their spirits of enthusiasm. But still we find people who seem interested in the election process since it is the only time their ears fill with hopes as sweet as honey cleansing their hardships with pleasant words. The minorities of Sri Lanka Tamils, Muslims and others eagerly look forward for the elections anticipating a long term solution for their unheard grievances and unhealed wounds that have thus far been considered by representatives but been beyond their scope of actual actions.

Words, more words had been muttered by those in the higher echelons of power but to a great disillusionment those words remained to be mere words; taking you a little into the past history this whole drama of deceit orchestrated by our leaders would be more than clear before you. “There would be no more Minorities or Majorities hereafter in Sri Lanka; this would be the nation of us all” a quote from our highest authority the executive President Mahinda Rajapakse during his victory speech after the end of the thirty year old ethnic war in SL. This phrase came in form of a promise before the people, some accepted it with tearful eyes whilst others smelled a rat in every word uttered by the executive in comparing them with the subtle ground level operations of the government; this perspective we would go into much elaboration. The words mentioned above are not prophetic and by all means are inconsistent with history; one must never diminish the thought that these words come from the people who imprisoned Tamil journalist Tissainayagam for over 2 years for just two articles exposing Tamil hardships. That they are the people who abducted Tamil Sudharoli editor Vidyadaran baselessly  and later interrogated him, these are the very people who demanded Tamils in lodges to be moved away from the South and most importantly they were the unseen arm that piloted thousands of killings abductions and other harassments against minority Tamils. So the promises, stipulations and vows of this government cannot be taken seriously at all; therefore the Tamil grievances still remain at large, their wounds from gunfire are yet to be healed with compassion and courtesy. So most importantly the disparity between Tamils and the Sinhalese that still exist in subtle form very strongly in their minds needs to be attended and should be of pivotal consideration of future or more precisely near future political representation.

So the need is clear! Sri Lanka urgently requires national integration that clears the disparity which lies in the minds of Tamils and Sinhalese; and this requires leaders with skills of conflict resolution clinched with a passion towards understanding acute as well as major issues pertaining to them.  In looking at some of the present candidates seeking our mandate the idea of national integration turns out to be a mirage for Sri Lanka; what skills do entertainers, cricketers, gamblers or renowned rapist have towards curing the ethnic wounds that have adverse impact to our nation’s future. So we need people, Men who have worked for the cause of minority rights, who have exposure and maturity on conflict resolution and leaders who are familiar with the heartbeat of the south as well as the north. As it is always said in old folklore amongst the evil lies the good and amongst the unqualified there lies a suitable qualified candidate with a profile unmatchable to any other in the field of the most pivotal ethnic crisis. By name he is Shiral Lakthilaka; a lawyer by profession who excelled in legal studies in universities in USA (Temple University), Bangalore and New South Wales. His scope of professionalism goes beyond the legislative sphere and is one of the few Conflict Resolution specialists with recognized and awarded skills in Politics & Strategic Management; Shiral has shed his sweat blood and tears for the Tamil minority cause since the early 1980’s.

A classic example can be stated to sum up Shiral’s close affinity towards the whole Ethnic phenomena; this incident took place at a seminar on ‘Political crisis & Peace process’ in Navalar Cultural Hall Jaffna in 2004 during the period of the peace process orchestrated by the UNP government. Shiral was a main speaker at this seminar who elaborated eloquently on the Tamil obligations urgent for national integration at a moment of peace efforts put into test; a group of Tamils resented towards Shiral’s speech and occasionally disturbed him and at one point one participant charged forward and argued stating that ‘Sinhalese have always been insensitive towards Tamil issues and your government would be no better’ tolerant as ever and in accordance with the ideals of democracy which he ever respects Shiral  patiently listened to the issue that perplexed the participant started to respond with words that directly addressed the hearts of the gathered Tamil audience. Shiral began his answer through an illustration of his own contribution towards the cause where he stated that as a Human Rights lawyer in the early stages of his career in the 1980’s he stood up for Sinhalese youths in custody  deprived of all human rights and were brutally treated by the officials under whose custody they were; and also went on to say that it was with the same spirit he committed himself tirelessly when working with Tamils students in Jaffna University during the 1983 riot periods without any racial biases against all forces that created a series pandemonium against innocent minorities where hesitation never came by his way to raise his voice against people of his own ethnicity that directed racial violence based on ulterior motives. The audience remained motionless eagerly listening to every word that came out of Shiral’s tongue, He then posed a question before the audience reminding them once again their responsibility towards their motherland; Shiral went on to ask “We as people from the south always fought against our own people when they crossed the boundaries of cohabitation in SL during 1983 and even after, But pathetically is there any single individual in this audience who raised a voice against the LTTE militants when they attacked innocent Muslims in 1991 massacring them and destroying their property, Where was your Sensitiveness then?”. A pin drop silence remained in the audience for a while which was followed by a huge applause by the Tamil audience who were nearly in tears; And as Shiral was getting down from the stage an old gentleman held his hand firm and said “Son I am so proud of your courage while I feel ashamed of our impotency to stand for what was right, We weren’t as brave as you”.

The capability of Shiral to tackle problems of subtle form that carries great gravity comes clearly apparent to us from the above example; his unique nature of resolving matters through his renowned conflict resolution skills is a definite need for governance in Sri Lanka. This talent and skills of great intellect needs to be utilized in the legislative mechanism that would provide awareness amongst the public on our micro as well as macro level responsibilities towards national integration; and would coordinate and direct policies and strategies that would end subtle discrepancies between the people of the North and the South. Do you believe that ex militants who change their guerilla uniform and dress up as politicians would make your dream come true? They would be mere clowns who would grant temporary satisfaction to people throwing away money which makes a plaster solution to your immediate pain. Your dream is more broader where our nation needs to be lifted from the quicksand of ethnic injustice to the solid rock of fraternity; where we all can feel the wind of racial equality in a society where people are no more judged by their ethnicity or the language their tongue speaks but merely by the sense of Humanity that lies in their hearts. This objective comes through a leadership of honesty, dignity and integrity: the characteristics which are unique to none other than your own representative Shiral Lakthilaka. Therefore the North call for a Change, the South calls for Change, Mother Sri Lanka desperately awaits a Change SO ARE YOU READY FOR CHANGE MY FRIEND?

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dantedevil

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Filmography

Archive Footage:

1. The Matrix: Path of Neo (2005) (VG) .... Rama-Kandra
2. "JAG"
   - Take It Like a Man (2004) TV episode .... Sadik Fahd

Usually it is when people die, or move on, or do something significant that you talk about their legacy. But The Beast is no ordinary man. He has forever changed the face of Sri Lankan politics. He has made more changes to Sri Lanka's political structure and political system than anyone ever has.

Too bad for us those changes are for the worse.

I knew things were going to be different when The Beast did his saatakaya cheat in the run-up to the presidential elections of 2005. Does anyone remember that? When the Elections Commissioner told people to take down their posters and cutouts in the run-up, The Beast complied - technically. In every place that he had a cutout he placed a picture of Sri Lanka with the saatakaya around it.

When he was accused of stealing LKR 800 million from the tsunami relief funds he filed a court case asking that the investigation be suspended until the end of the election. After he was elected the investigation continued and - surprise, surprise - found that he was not guilty and that it was an attempt by the UNP to discredit him.

This was just the beginning.

From the first day he came in he started creating a personality cult around himself. The little kids wearing the saatakaya, the athletes at the SAF Games wearing the saatakaya, pretty much everyone wearing saataka. A strip of red cloth became the unofficial must-have fashion accessory for any event that was even remotely connected to the government.

And then there was the war. When he decided to go to war, his actions created a whole new meaning for the word terrorism.

The Government itself spread terror at a level that we had never seen before. The media had a field day with various threats to the people. There were fake bombs planted. Bomb panics were initiated where schools were shut down because the LTTE is going to bomb 5 schools. The Government engaged in the creation of a fear psychosis in society that was unparalleled. Even the establishment of checkpoints - which even the IGP testified at the Supreme Court had not managed to capture or stop a single bomb-laden vehicle without other information - patrols, various fear-inducing advertisements, the establishment of a general sense of paranoia, and of course the security theater that goes along with it was done so that the Government could have a free hand.

Of course the checkpoints did nothing to stop the actions of the extra-judicial killings and assaults that happened. Lasantha Wickrematunge was killed within sight of an armed checkpoint and the killers managed to escape. And on a more personal note, the presence of a checkpoint less did not stop the Pajero/Montero that performed a hit-and-run on me. But they did their job. They kept people scared on one side, paranoid on another, and secure on a third. Of course the feelings of fear were amplified by the white van abductions and - for those of us who remember the Black Cats vigilante squads of the late '80s - the establishment of armed military personnel on motorcycles who routinely zipped through traffic. All for our safety of course.

There were other actions too that showed that the government was learning how to manipulate the people. The teacher's strike on the 13th of September was overshadowed by a tsunami alert on the 12th. Of course this is not an attempt to say that the Government caused the earthquake. But note that the quake was of magnitude 7.2 on the Richter Scale. Which is 100 times weaker than the 2004 quake that caused the tsunami. Of course that did not stop the media - especially the state media - from telling people that there might be a tsunami on the way even a whole day after the quake occurred.!

Then there is the corruption. The Beast's stooges and henchmen have been robbing the country. But that kind of robbery is a pittance, a mere drop in the ocean compared to the actions of Rajapaksa Brothers, Extremely Private, Totally Unlimited. After the death of Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, the job of Minister of Nation Building went to T. B. Ekanayake - who was given the authority to deal with any building project valued under LKR 40 million. All other projects go to Basil (aka Beast Junior). If the other politicians were shoplifters and armed robbers pulling a gun on the cashier, The Beast's family is akin to the manager of the store pulling a 40ft container up to the loading dock and emptying the store into it. If you're lucky, he'll leave the shelves.

The war was used as an excuse too. In order to stop the LTTE from finding out what weapons the Forces were acquiring the tender process was made a secret. No-one knew what was being asked for, who was bidding for it, and what it cost. There is, as yet, no way that we can get that information even after the war is over. The war was used as an excuse to stop the investigations into corruption, flagrant abuses of power, and human rights violations. It was used as a way to muzzle any and all critics of the government. It was used as a way to divide Sri Lankan society by branding all those who opposed the way the LKGov was handling the war as traitors.

The cult of personality went forward with the creation and distribution of the new LKR 1,000 banknote. It has The Beast in a blatantly campaign-poster-like pose on the obverse and an image representing the Forces - in a pose reminiscent of (ie a direct copy of) the raising of the flag on Iwo Jimaon the reverse. He is not the first person in Sri Lanka to do that. The JR and Premadasa 1 Rupee coins are still in circulation, though they are rapidly dwindling in number. But the image in the front is clearly a propaganda/publicity image. It seems conceivable - nay, inevitable - that the next president will put his image on the currency too, and since he has to go one better, it would be the LKR2000 note. And the next would want the LKR5000 note (we don't have one yet? we will, and soon) and so on and so forth.

The other legacy is the USD 500 million sovereign bond issue at 8.5% interest of 2007. Does anyone remember that one? The one that had Ranil the Ineffectual running around the world trying to stop? The one that had The Beast calling Ranil a traitor to the nation? Well that comes due in 2012. Welcome to the legacy.

Of course, there will always be those who claim that his greatest legacy is a Sri Lanka without a war. The destruction of the LTTE is worth all the corruption they say. But is it? Yes, the war continued because the people involved we making money. They were milking that cow for all it was worth. But the cow was getting old. The people were starting to ask why are we keeping this old cow? So The Beast did the thing you do with old cows. He milked the cow, then killed it, and sold the beef (what he didn't make a curry out of). And now the people are cheering that the cow is gone. There is more room. But - to quote an old advert and the basis of a US presidential election campaign - Where's the beef?

So The Beast has left a legacy. A legacy that comes from the people who came before him. The cult of personality, the corruption, the outright robbery is not new. The others did it too. But The Beast took it to a whole new level. What he has done is multiple orders of magnitude worse than his predecessors. We may never - hopefully - see his like again. But all that he has done will be learned from, carried forward, and built on.

So The Beast's legacy is not just what he has done, but also what he has shown the people the way to do. And that is a legacy worth fearing.

A Great Dictator

                                                                                    By Migara Doss

(Listen Guys this was an Article i published in the Web (Lankanewsweb.com) in August; to which i received threats in return from unknown numbers…… The final phrase of this article says “message I can give in conclusion is that we are not impotent but courage’s, not feeble but strong, not dormant but awake; So bear in mind WE WILL FIGHT UNTIL THE LAST DROP OF BLOOD THIS BATTLE FOR DISSENT AND WE WILL DEFEAT YOU!   WE WILL TRUIMPH !!!
 And i am proud to say that i still stand by it… Whatever it takes the days of thi dictatorship are now numbered…… Yes We Will Defeat You !!!)

‘Sri Lanka no more has any minorities or majorities’ a comely sentiment expressed by our very own H.E the President of Sri Lanka in the house of Parliament during his most famous victory speech after concluding the long driven ethnic war that haunted the nation for many decades. Looking at it in retrospect it seems to be very true, the way the country is running right now there wont be any room left for majorities or minorities as well as for journalist or dissent it seems that this isle in the near future would turn out to be a place confined only to Rajapakse henchmen. Why I say so is worth closely scrutinizing because with the recent threats and continues harassment inflicted against media men their remains very little or no room at all for dissent and the government expects nothing but  commendations from media which is a fact of great detriment to free journalism of the world over. It is quite surprising to find this sort of a environment from President Rajapakse who vowed to establish and ensure the use of free media during his run up to the presidency, anyone who comes across the well famed propaganda called ‘Mahinda Chinthana’ should examine the 81^st page of this manifesto where rhetoric language boasts of the use of free media and journalism to be established under a Rajapakse era. How lies it has now proved to be! His Excellency has now created an environment where fear and panic runs in the mind of a journalist before picking up a pen. It could be opined that our President’s close association with infamous world leaders such as Hugo Chavez and Ahamedinejad had given him this new theory of ‘destroy and rule’ with concern to media and that he has taken those dictators as a role model for his rule implementing their dastard acts against civil society and media. Many people fear to utter a word against these acts of iniquity; but it is their infertility! We as proud children of mother Sri Lanka consider it as our supreme obligation to expose the harsh truths of this isle hidden beyond the veil and expose them to the world over.

It was a heavy blow to the media of this country when the high court recently gave their verdict against J.S Tissainayagam(Tissa) imprisoning him with rigorous labour for twenty years under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) for the offense of publishing nothing more then just two articles which the government claims has caused heavy detriment to the State. On the 7^th of March 2008 the Sunday Times columnist and senior Tamil journalist J.S Tissainayagam was detained by Terrorist Investigation Department (TID) officials without any given explanation and arbitrarily continued to search the offices of Tissa which ran the publication of North Eastern Monthly Magazine and the www.outsreachsl.com. The mulish nature of this arrest is evident through the harsh treatment Tissa had to undergo during his imprisonment in police remand where strict sanctions were imposed on even seeking a attorney to adapt legal measures against this dastard act, But still even through the limited openings the civil society stood by Tissa and fought valiantly to seek justice which was far beyond their reach in what could be defined as a police state. Tissa had been imprisoned from March 2008 until August 31^st 2009 where the ghastly decision was observed by the high court, It had been 17 months and from the succor of the emergency law and PTA which were incepted to counter terrorism the Government utilized them to the zenith and fought a war against journalism simultaneously to the one with terror. The imprisonment and the sentencing of Tissa posse’s serious questions unresolved which needs close scrutiny, there were three main charges leveled against Tissa by the government and all these allegations were puerile in nature. Firstly Tissa is accused of ‘writing to discredit the government’ an accusation which anyone with the basic knowledge of Political Science knows is lame; A member of any society which has the slightest touch of democracy has an invariable right to express ideas against the government! It is a very basic theory in Politics and unless the judiciary is blind this is no offense at all; it is against the State that one cannot stand up against which can be charged of treason; So Tissa has not raised his pen against the State! It is the government acts he condemns through his article highlighting the TMVP’s  (broken wing of LTTE) involvement in child abductions and the alleged government affiliations to them. These are contentious social issues that the society should be aware of! And it is the rightful obligation of the media to expose it to the society and if that becomes an offense it is quite perplexed as to what extent democracy exists in this nation. The very second misdeed the government points at Tissa is even more hilarious than the first one, ‘Inciting Racial Disharmony’ it is pity that these brainless dunderheads are unable to understand the contents of Tissa’s articles! They are purely focused on the detrimental situation that Tamils face during the final phase of war and most importantly one should never forget that Tissa had to undergo many hardships in police custody despite his physical illness just for the fact that he happened to be a Tamil; is that not racial abuse? The H.E President vowed that there would be no minorities but nationalist and traitors, maybe this categorization placed strong Tamils like Tissa into the latter category but as far as the concept of democracy is concerned this accusation is lukewarm. Last but certainly not least the final charge leveled against Tissa stands as the strongest of all; in it he is accused of ‘Obtaining Money from Pro LTTE parties’ this refers to mainly NGO’s and other foreign donors who had funded Tissa for his journalistic endeavors related to his North Eastern Monthly Magazine and his website. This is a rhyme frequently sung by the government and its chauvinist allies accusing NGO’s and Foreign factors of influencing the sovereignty of our country; but these allegations suddenly come to a halt when the government pleads money from NGO’s for development activities and turn to the IMF for loans and other benefits. Therefore the third accusation too needs more strong evidence to prove the fact that it most certainly was LTTE elements that funded Tissa; and even if so why not take action against those elements?

It is said that Tissa had made a confession for the charges leveled against him but it is quite obvious to any dumb head that the physical and psychological duress he had to undergo during 17 months in prison could have led to this confession that it may have been distorted. The latest comedy of the government is that when international pressure is leveled on it for the release of Tissa through a Presidential pardon it claims that the President cannot interfere on issues until court proceedings are completed; What astonishes me is the fact that Tissa who is alleged to have indirect links with LTTE is imprisoned for 20 years but people like Karuna Amman LTTE former Eastern Province Commander and Pillayan ex LTTE cadre given high government perks including Ministries and Chief Ministries rather than taking legal action against them for the crimes they have orchestrated against our very own military. And moving on to journalist it still is a question as to how the apprehended State Media ‘Rupavahini’ journalist Saman Kumara Ramawickrema who was accused of filching technical equipment while reporting news in the battlefield was released without any legal action taken against him. As I said before the law in this nation differs from the ones to Rajapakse henchmen and the other rigorous law to the rest. It is time for us all to rise up against this cowardly act inflicted on this brave journalist! It is time that we should fight for the freedom of his rights!  Or else we would prove to the would our feebleness.

Harassment and threat to journalism was not something new to our country we have gone through that in the past during the end of 1980’s; But now the threat is inflicted on journalist strongly as ever. The most critical stage of this war against journalism was when the Sunday Leader publications Editor in Chief Lasantha Wickremetunga who was a heavy critic of the LTTE and the Government was brutally assassinated on his way to work.  This incident which was a time of moaning to the whole country and a unmistakable black mark to our nation’s media; the Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse who is privileged more than any other civil servant for his brotherhood to the President has had a good laugh about the assassination of Lasantha when questioned about it in a BBC interview. He being the defense secretary it was his obligation to safeguard brave journalist like Lasantha who have had many death threats; but proving his haughtiness he has commented that ‘It is just another murder’; would he express that sentiment if his brother faced a similar fate? Very doubtful !  The accusation of Lasantha’s murder is pointed at the government; to which the President has vehemently denied stating that Lasantha was his close friend. This friendship that the President describes is quite rum since it was reported that he (H.E) had once accused Lasantha over the phone in raw filth. And also raising the suspicion of the government involvement in this play the President’s pet dog and notorious Minister Dr. Mervin Silva made a remarkable sentiment which says ‘ Lasantha from Leader paper went overboard I took care of him’ which connects the torn apart parts of this puzzle as to how Lasantha was murdered and why the pompous Gothabaya mocked at his death.

This tragic fate on journalism was not confined only to Tissa or Lasantha but after the Rajapakse government took over there have been 34 deaths of media personals out of which 30 happen to be Tamil journalist. The Rajapakse government has a nerve of setting world record and has taken the country’s name to the second most dangerous place for journalism ( The other records include the jumbo cabinet which exceeds 100 odd Ministers, Visiting UN summit with the largest delegation). Very little does the world know on the fate of Poddala Jayantha an journalist who was brutally assaulted days after his colleague Sunanda Deshapriya ( Senior Journalist) gave evidence against the Government at a United Nations meeting concerning Sri Lanka. Very little might have the assaulters known that Sunanda was not the first to give evidence against Sri Lanka; way back in 1989 it was none other than President Mahinda Rajapakse himself then as a parliamentarian started this tradition to discredit the Sri Lankan state at the world arena. This unfortunate fate also fell on many other journalist namely Upali Tennekon Editor in Chief of Rivira Publications who was also assaulted and the MTV /MBC media headquarters set ablaze. And not forgetting the comedy of errors that they made in arresting the Sudar Oli Editor Mr. Vidyadaran firstly abducting him and then finally claiming that it was the police who had apprehended him for alleged LTTE links; our unmistakable character on such dastard acts none other than Gothabaya Rajapakse who has extracted the Presidential powers of his brother and uses them to his whims and fancies made his voice aloud at this arrest stating that ‘He (Vidyadaran) is involved in the recent air attack of LTTE and I am telling you if you try to cover up for that you will have blood in your hands’   a very contentious sentiment which finally became a joke with the release of Vidyadaran unable to find any connects of him with the LTTE. Therefore the question lies in our minds as to how much blood Gothabaya and his Brother has got in their hands right now ?  If one is to come under the conclusion that after the end of the war the threat on journalism is stalled; then it is a terrible mistake! The verdict on Tissa and the government intention of enacting the Press Council Act that if implemented would cause greater detriment to the media are salient evidence of this threat over the future of Journalism in Sri Lanka is still very much alive.

So as described above there lies a great threat to the future of Sri Lankan journalism the consequences of this dastard trend of acts does not relate merely on journalist of today but would have a negative impact on the future of Sri Lankan Journalism.  Already many leading journalist in Sri Lanka have left the nation for the love  of their lives; Many journalist fear to pick a pen and there is also a trend of journalist giving up their profession which is a pathetic plight; the recent closure of the news website Lanka Dissent Is a clear sign for this tragic trend. This situation even applies negatively in respect of students fearing to take up journalism as career and parents not allowing their children to take forward this noble tradition of journalism.

Sri Lankan’ s are not cowards! Even though how much this government thinks they are; we have gone through circumstances of this caliber and we have triumphed in the past defeating those who put sanctions on our right of expression. If the powerful governmental bullies think that their ‘Destroy and Rule’ policy is of success they are very much mistaken! We are a strong nation; a strong people who stand up against injustice when it occurs; the message I can give in conclusion is that we are not impotent but courage’s, not feeble but strong, not dormant but awake; So bear in mind WE WILL FIGHT UNTIL THE LAST DROP OF BLOOD THIS BATTLE FOR DISSENT AND WE WILL DEFEAT YOU!  WE WILL TRUIMPH !!!

First of them is the nature of the battle for Presidency. In the Presidential election of 2005, the government declared it as a contest between ‘patriots’ and ‘traitors’. But this time around, it is a contest between ‘patriots’ and ‘patriots’. In other words, it is a contest to select the greatest ‘patriot’. But the government has already labeled the rival candidate as a ‘traitor’ since they own the Patent for the definition of the word ‘Patriot’. However, for the average voter who doesn’t go into that level of detail, this will be a ‘patriot’ versus ‘patriot’ contest.

Another critical factor would be our international relationships. We all know what sort of friends we have on international stage. We have Libya, Iran, Vietnam, Myanmar, Venezuela and few other countries as our direct friends. Are we going to go ahead with them or are we going to win the rest of the ‘important’ countries and move on with all of them? It would be nice to see what kind of a plan the two candidates have towards winning back our ‘lost’ friends. It would be very interesting to see how those countries respond in a situation where our top ranked politicians are either denied or reluctant to enter certain countries, even for highly important international engagements.

As this contest for the Presidency intensifies, more and more war ‘secrets’ might come out because both candidates are so keen to get the credit of the victory written against their names. We already hear top ranks in the military setup and its administration playing the blame game on certain incidents that happened during the war time. In such circumstances, it is more likely those ‘behind-the-scene’ information to come out to gain the upper hand in this tight contest. But it will end up doing more damage to the image of our country.

While the people who supported the war and believed in a military solution will be split between two major candidates, people who were against the war and violence will be stranded in this election. For them, these two candidates would be two sides of the same coin. Anyone who closely observed the conduct of this duo during the war and the aftermath would know it. This was very well explained in the article I suggested to read in my previous post. One might argue that they can vote for a third candidate. But in a two-horse race, what’s the meaning of betting on a pony?

The most critical factor is the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka. For the first time in the history of Presidential elections, they don’t have a candidate who can be trust upon. Even if they put aside all the killings, abductions, assaults, harassments and discriminations of the past, can they safely look for the future at the hands of any of these two candidates? The answer is quite obvious when you look at the extremist and fundamentalist groups who are baking the two major candidates.

It wouldn’t be a surprise if they feel like hard done and cornered by the Sinhala speaking majority Sri Lankans when deciding who should lead the country of all communities. They will either be forced to vote for a candidate that they cannot believe in or they will have to stay aside, just being spectators of the drama. I have already heard people sarcastically asking from a few Tamil speaking Sri Lankans who they are going to vote for. To me, it’s not a joke. It’s a very serious concern that they cannot play a decisive role in the election that matters.

Such ignorance and negligence in the past lead to a decades-long war and we all know how much it cost us. Will this be another twist in the history? Only time will tell. For everyone’s sake, let’s hope not.

The thoughts in that post were expressed three years ago when the scenario in the country was decidedly different, however the definition of ‘patriotism’ doesn’t change with the scenario, so let’s check on some aspects of relevance today.

For instance, if you are a ‘patriot’, do you believe that the country is being governed in a way that is beneficial to its citizens? This would include agreeing with the rationale of the GOSL for the heavily bloated Cabinet, the massive amount of funds being spent on projects that are abandoned halfway through, the inclusion of criminal thugs in governance, the blatant abuse of power (a relatively minor one being the closing of roads at the whims and fancies of so-called VIPs), the huge security details assigned to politicians (especially since the end of the war) and other acts that are neither transparent nor beneficial to the country.

Then, if the Police Department is as inefficient as it appears to be, in that so many murders, assassinations and abductions are carried out with impunity without being resolved, shouldn’t there be some changes that would replace inefficient officers with those who could do a better job? Or do you think they are there to serve the purpose of powerful persons and not solve the many high-profile crimes that have been committed?

Would the patriots among us agree with the political appointments made that favour friends and relations of those in power over highly qualified civil-service personnel as ambassadors in countries that are important to our wellbeing?

There are hosts of other questions that we’re sure will come to mind as you read this, so there is hardly any point of listing the litany of questionable acts on the part of the GOSL (and it is really irrelevant which party or coalition is in power – the principles remain the same). Anyway, the intent of this post is to get some feedback from folk like our ‘patriotic’ bloggers, so that we may be enlightened of their views in relation to the questions posed here.

And an important question in this regard would be: “if you disagree with the GOSL’s present policies would that make you ‘unpatriotic’ or a ‘traitor’?”

Do feel free to add your thoughts – whether you consider yourself to be a ‘patriot’ or not.

After reading this article on groundviews and reading "Queen of Deceit" by Victor Ivan, I just need to rant here. Queen of Deceit is based on the former president of this country, it details, according to Ivan, how the Queen managed to deceive the public and amass a fortune that would pay for many a generation to live in the lap of luxury. This does really say much about us Sri Lankans, doesn't it? Those of us in Colombo detach ourselves from Cries of the North. I've heard so many people claim that the war did not affect them. I've heard them say all the Sentries are for our own Protection. I've also heard them complain about the governments they have elected and do nothing more than that. For us in Sri Lanka freedom seems to be a gift granted by the ruling Kings and Queens of this country out of the Generosity of their infinitely kind hearts. In Sri Lanka it is not about people power, it is Personal Power.. The Power to control the truth and I believe in time, history will be rewritten to hide their sins and glorify meager achievements.

Novemeber 2005

In 2005 we had Presidential elections that were dependant on a Voter base from the North of this country. When those votes did not come through, the tide shifted here in Colombo with the Coalition for War sliding to victory with a margin of about 2%, so in essence 51% managed to gain control of 49% of this Country. Many fingers have been pointed, unproven statements and questions have been raised as to how and why the Voters in the North did not vote on that fateful day. Prior to that election we were in a peace process that seemed to be working, Economic Development, Freedom of movement and in General we moved away from being at the wrong end of anavtomat kalashnikova, very popularly known as a AK-47. That, to me was the best part of the peace process, no more guns in sight. No more fear of being taken in for questioning or shot on sight. Unfortunately the majority of the south did not see what i saw. They preferred the alternative of suffering, death and war.

Popular Gun Culture

"It makes me uneasy to see men pointing their guns at me, it makes me nervous"

With the end of the peace process so began the abductions, the deaths, the censorship and eventually Dictatorship. The blame of this war cannot be carried by one side, it is too complex and foolish to believe that this is one sided. The Sinhalese believe it’s the Tamils and the Tamils believe it’s the Sinhalese. The now defeated tigers wanted war, they did not want a peace deal. They might have been trapped in one in 2003 but the moment they saw the opportunity to escape from it, it was taken. So the voters were barred from voting that day knowing fully well who they would vote for. In the months that followed the violence began and spread to all parts of the Island, under the pretext of protection - freedoms were stolen, rights were denied and So began the Strong arming of the man who Carried a Gun. If you didn't fall in line, you are a terrorist. The war came to an end in May 2009 and the unimaginable seemed to be, the Tigers were defeated. Could this be? Yes it could.. No conventional method could have defeated them, so unconventional it had to be. This resulted in many dying on both sides, innocent or not you had to die if you were caught in the middle. It was appalling to see how stupid the people of this country really are. Nationalism Kills and no one realises this. Return to the Rule of the Gun.. if you had a gun, you wielded power.

And Now,

Its over, the war I mean. People have died, enough people have died and the IDP's are all that remains of this bloody period. The issues pertaining to the insurrection? Not addressed yet, would they be addressed? I don’t know. Do I think people in government believe there is a solution? No I don’t!

How could they? They carried out a war on Terrorism which in turn terrorized. However I think people on both sides of this equation need to come to terms with what they have now, have lost in the last three decades of fighting and Move on. If the Government isn't going to solve it, its time for the people to change their mindsets and move away from blaming each other. Everyone has suffered at the hands of their so called saviours. If a solution is not given to those people who have lost so much already, we are looking at yet another lost Generation. Its time for that unaffected Diaspora to stop with their rhetoric and move on. Its time to teach these children a new way of living, its time to sensitize them to compassion and forgiveness. Sri Lanka is a desensitized nation which is a breeding ground for anger and hatred.

The simplest example I can give anyone to make them understand what we are faced with here is this, a conversation I had a with girl who is moderately well educated and doesn't feel too much racism toward Tamils, Not on a personal level anyway. About one year ago at the height of the war when all the names of the towns were coming up she said this - "After the war I think they should change all the names of these towns, I can’t even pronounce half of them, what is point of having these names. They can name it after the dead soldiers" I was so baffled by the blatant ignorance and lack of empathy that I didn't really have much to say. I briefly tried to explain and asked how she would feel if people suddenly started changing her home town name to something she wasn't familiar with, the idea was understood but not fully comprehended.

The above is the extent to which I think this divide exists. There is no trust neither is there understanding and given that we have a government which prefers to solve all problems by pointing a gun in that direction how long before any kind of trust can be established.

"Is reconciliation that hard to accomplish? We all know that crimes were committed by both sides. Why can't we acknowledge this fact and move on?"

I feel like I am just one man with a stupid Ideology. Humanism over nationalism is what this country really needs. Blaming each other is not going to result in any solution for the real issues prevailing in Serendipity.

It seems that certain prominent Buddhist clergy members have taken upon themselves to publicly defend the forced abduction of these elephants. I guess they have the right to their own opinion, but the manner in which they seek to justify these events just seems a bit mind boggling to me.

Apparently, the statement issued by them accuses the members of the public who raised their voices in protest, to be hypocrites who are not worried at all about the many killings of elephants in the wild. Now my confusion starts here, what exactly are they trying to say here? Is it that all animal lovers should immediately invade the wild life parks and hold protests about the killings?

It seems rather that these senior clergy members are saying that since lots of elephants are being killed off in the wild anyway, it’s perfectly OK for them to forcibly separate 2 baby elephants from their mothers even before being properly weaned!

But what really prompted me to write a post after quite a few weeks is the even bigger accusation being made by them. They’ve actually gone to the extent of saying that all the people who have protested are part of a foreign NGO conspiracy to wipe all traditional Buddhist festivals from Sri Lanka…!!!

Please excuse me while I sit here speechless for a few moments…

How in the hell can these people actually believe something as stupid as this? I mean it has to take a really twisted and paranoid mindset to see a huge anti-Buddhist conspiracy in the outrage expressed by Sri Lankans from every religion! To my limited knowledge, not a single protest was made with the intent of stopping the annual Perahara, rather every single article, post and comment I’ve seen has simply spoken out against an act of cruelty that these elephants have been subjected to.

I guess these clergy members too have seen the wisdom of jumping on the hysterically nationalistic Sinhala Buddhist band wagon in order to justify their actions. After all, anyone who has the balls to speak against them has to be a traitorous, NGO loving, bastard ya?

So, the next time you see someone throwing a stone at a dog, be careful of chastising them. You may run the risk of being accused of trying to destroy Buddhism in this lovely paradise isle of ours!!!